By Yifat Susskind, MADRE Policy and Communications Director

This op-ed was originally distributed by the American Forum.

Tell the president and USAID to buy African crops for food aid!  Sign the MADRE petition here.

RACHEL is a startlingly rigorous, fascinating and deeply moving investigatory documentary that examines the death of peace activist and International Solidarity Movement (ISM) member Rachel Corrie, who was crushed by an Israeli army bulldozer in the Gaza Strip in 2003. A few weeks after her little-reported death, an inquiry by Israeli military police concluded that Corrie died in an accident. Simone Bitton (WALL), an award-winning documentary filmmaker who is a citizen of both France and Israel, has crafted a dispassionate but devastating essay investigating the circumstances of Rachel Corrie’s death—including astounding eyewitness testimony from activists, soldiers, Israeli Defense Force army spokespersons and physicians, as well as insights from Corrie’s parents, mentors and diaries.

In assembling a thorough and candid account of the event, using both visual and narrative evidence, Bitton’s quietly persistent questioning manages to accomplish what the inadequate legal proceedings and the overheated press coverage did not: an unflinching examination that refuses to exculpate or equivocate. By aligning her filmmaking methodology with the ISM’s guidelines to state only objective and concrete details without placing judgment, Bitton examines the circumstances surrounding the unresolved case of Corrie's death. The film begins like a classic documentary, but soon develops, transcending its subject and establishing a candid new visual approach for bearing witness. With understated cinematic techniques, Bitton captures the spirit of Rachel's youth, idealism, and political commitment amidst sweeping landscapes of Gaza and a portrait of daily life under ever-present military aggression.

7pm, Anthology Film Archives 32 Second Avenue New York, NY. Full schedule here. 

In response to an invitation of the Government of Colombia, four members of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues visited Colombia on 6-10 July, 2010. The purpose of the visit was to observe the situation of indigenous peoples in Colombia in general with a particular focus on the situation of the Awa peoples.

At the end of the visit, Mr. Carlos Mamani Condori issued the following press release:

Bogota, Colombia, 10 July 2010 - "In spite of constitutional recognition of the human rights of indigenous peoples, the situation of indigenous peoples in Colombia is serious, critical and deeply worrisome". That is the conclusion of the mission of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. The Forum recognizes and values the contributions of the Government of Colombia and other State institutions, such as the Constitutional Court and the Defensoría del Pueblo (Ombudsman), to address the serious problems faced by indigenous peoples, nevertheless, human rights abuses persist.

Read the rest of the report here (PDF).

• Delivery rooms and women doctors: Many of the mobile medical facilities lack a delivery room, and many women have not seen a doctor because there are few available female doctors. Shirkat Gah is working with medical organizations to set up safe, clean places for women to give birth, and to identify female doctors to treat patients.
• Relief supplies for women: Shirkat Gah is beginning to provide kits for mothers of newborn babies. The kits include mosquito netting and a nutritional supplement for nursing mothers. They are also distributing hygiene kits containing sanitary napkins, which often get overlooked in large-scale disaster relief operations.
• Family Planning: Shirkat Gah is working with its local partners to make contraception available to women in the refugee camps.  They’re also coordinating counseling and prenatal care for pregnant women.
• Safe spaces for women: Many displaced women aren’t venturing outside their tents, either for safety reasons, because they are caring for children and elderly, or because tradition dictates that women remain indoors. Shirkat Gah is working to create spaces where women can meet and discuss how the crisis is affecting them and their families. Our partners will also set up conversation sessions, trainings and publications to educate women about women’s health and family planning.

Women sustain communities by caring for children, the elderly and those who cannot care for themselves.  This is even truer in crisis situations. Making sure women's needs are met is vital to everyone's survival, and MADRE is honored to be working with Shirkat Gah in support of their efforts to make sure the women of Pakistan are not forgotten. You can still help.

A women's health center set up by Shirkat Gah.

GIVE THE AID TO THE HAITIAN PEOPLE NOW!

   

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 2010

Place:    THE HAITIAN CONSULATE OF NEW YORK
                 271 MADISON AVENUE, NEW YORK, NY (between 39th & 40th St.)
                   
Time:    10 AM TO 12:30 PM
                     At about 11 AM, we will march from the Haitian Consulate to the United Nations

IT HAS BEEN EIGHT MONTHS since the earthquake devastated Haiti, yet l.3 million people are still homeless living in tent cities with rats, no sanitation, no water, little or no food aid, no security and no refuge from the intense daily heat or the hurricane storms to come.  Despite an estimated $11 billion that was pledged by nations and charities to aid these victims, only 3% has been disbursed and there is no comprehensive plan to create housing, sanitation or a safe drinking water supply.

WE DEMAND Permanent housing for the homeless earthquake victims; Elimination of tent cities; Immediate moratorium on forced evictions of IDP’s; Safe water; Resumption of food aid; Security for people living in tents; Employment of jobless Haitians in the rebuilding and reconstruction; Elimination of customs charges and delays on donated materials and medicine; Prosecution for black market sales of donated aid materials, price gouging and diversion of Aid money; Accountability and transparency from government officials, NGO’s and UN agencies with regard to receipt and expenditures of Aid money; Competency and responsibility from government leaders to create the housing to shelter the homeless earthquake victims NOW!

WE ARE The Haiti Solidarity Network of the North East (HSNNE), Brooklyn Society for Ethical Culture Social Action Committee, Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR), Congregation of the Mission, December 12 Movement, Dwa Fanm, Friday Haiti Relief Coalition, Haiti Corps, Haiti Liberté, Haitian Women for Haitian Refugees, Haitians Unified for Development and Education (HUDE), Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti (IJDH), International Association Against Torture, International Support Haiti Network (ISHN), NYC Catholic Peace Fellowship,  Organizing for Haiti (OFH), Pax Christi Metro New York, Pax Christi New Jersey, Peoples’ Organization for Progress, Service Employees International Union Local 1199 (SEIU 1199), Sisters of St. Joseph of Chestnut Hill Philadelphia, St. Peter’s College Haitian Student Association, Sustainable Orphanages for Haitian Youth, The Catholic Worker, The Code Foundation

For more information or to co-sponsor, contact: Judy Reilly 201-784-0008, Fr. Gene Squeo 201-207-0112, Clauvice St.Hilaire 732-646-1671 or hsnne99@yahoo.com

Haiti's Earthquake Victims: "We’ve Been Forgotten"

September 20, 2010; Boston, MA - Eight months after Haiti's devastating earthquake, more than 1.3 million Haitians continue to live in makeshift tent camps without adequate shelter, food or sanitation, according to a report released today by the Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti (IJDH). The report, titled "We've Been Forgotten": Conditions in Haiti's Displacement Camps Eight Months After the Earthquake documents continuing desperation in Haiti's camps and recommends a rights-based approach to relief and reconstruction.

Despite the international community's historic generosity following the January 12, 2010 earthquake, the support has not been translated into effective assistance for the residents of approximately 1,300 makeshift tent camps, where conditions for some are getting worse, not better. "The basic needs of residents must be prioritized immediately. While the Government of Haiti bears the primary duty to protect the economic and social rights of its citizens, donor states and relief agencies must also meet certain standards in carrying out assistance to Haiti. This obligation arises from international law but also from the significant role the international community assumed in providing relief services in Haiti," said Nicole Phillips, Esq., IJDH Staff Attorney and the lead editor and coordinator of the report.

The findings presented in the report show that living conditions in the camps continue to violate basic human dignity. In 75% of families surveyed, at least one family member went an entire day without eating in the past week.

They have even been adopted by many of the international agencies and banks that control the budgets of most poor countries, and they have been reflected in the budgeting priorities of the UN.  Ultimately, the MDGs create opportunities for advancing women’s human rights, but only if we are able to participate effectively in the process of realizing the goals.

On September 20-22, the UN General Assembly has convened a high level plenary meeting to address progress towards achieving the MDGs, with five years remaining before the 2015 deadline.  The clock is ticking, not only for those governments responsible for making the MDGs real in their own countries, but for the billions of people every day denied the right to food, health, education and more.  As the UN strategizes a way forward, MADRE calls for an approach that is rooted in human rights and committed to ending gender discrimination.

What Do the Millennium Development Goals Mean for Women?

The challenges reflected in the MDGs threaten all people, but they are not gender neutral.  Around the world, women bear a disproportionate burden of these dangers.  What’s more, achieving the eight goals listed below will require protecting women’s human rights and incorporating women’s expertise and participation.

• Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger: The often forgotten truth is that women make up 70% of the world’s poor.  When they demand access to opportunities to improve their lives, such as education and employment, they are often blocked by gender-discriminatory laws and social norms.

• Achieve universal primary education:  Fifty-four percent of girls worldwide are not in school.  Nearly two-thirds of adults who have been denied education and cannot read are women.  A recent study showed that educating women helps save children’s lives, raising their awareness of issues of health, nutrition and parenting.  For every additional year of a woman’s education, the mortality rate for children under age five dropped on average by nearly 10 percent.

• Promote gender equality and empower women:  This MDG focuses on gender disparity in education, but women’s equality and empowerment will require so much more.  For instance, physical or sexual violence goes unmentioned, but up to six out of every ten women worldwide will experience physical or sexual violence in their lifetimes.  To enjoy the full range of human rights, women must be able to lead a life free of all forms of discrimination and violence.

• Reduce child mortality:  Mothers worldwide, usually the primary caretakers of their children, must grapple with the realities of poverty.  When they are unable to access adequate health services, stable food supplies or clean water, child survival is threatened.  The MDG target calls for a reduction of two-thirds, but since 1990, the child mortality rate has only dropped about a quarter. 

• Improve maternal health:  This month, the World Health Organization released statistics that suggest that the rate of women dying from pregnancy and childbirth has dropped more than one-third since 1990.  But the MDGs call for a reduction of three-quarters in the maternal mortality rate, and 358,000 women still died in 2008.

• Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases:  For women between the ages of 15 and 44, HIV/AIDS is the leading cause of death and disease worldwide.  The vast majority of these women, 98 percent, live in the developing world.

• Ensure environmental sustainability:  Rapid industrialization, resource consumption and climate change have generated deadly effects for the world environment, with specific and disproportionate consequences for women.  For instance, the majority of smallholder farmers are women who, in the poorest countries, grow as much as 80 percent of the food. 

• Develop a Global Partnership for Development:  This goal envisions development as led by international banks, pharmaceutical companies and others in the private sector.  Yet, it is governments and not the private sector that are obligated to ensure people’s rights and well-being.  The MDGs will not be achieved through policies that promote the interests of the private sector at the expense of human rights.

The Real Story Behind the MDGs

• Governments’ commitments to the MDGs appear to be an extraordinary step forward, but when we scratch the surface of the goals mentioned above, we find that their progress is measured by a limited and contradictory set of technocratic “targets” and “indicators.”  These are more concerned with statistical change than with creating the structural change that is crucial to improving the lives of women and their families worldwide.

• For example, the “target” of MDG 3 is to eliminate gender disparity in education. Yet it will take much more than girls’ education to combat the deeply entrenched violence, discrimination, stereotypes, laws, and customs that generate grave violations of women’s human rights in every country of the world.

• The indicators intended to measure progress towards MDG 3 are equally problematic. They include:
  
  1. the ratio of girls to boys at all levels of schooling (with no regard for the quality or content of education and without addressing the social forces that keep girls out of school);
  2. the proportion of seats held by women in national parliament (without regard for the more crucial question of whether these women respect human rights);
  3. the share of women in non-agricultural sectors of the workforce (without recognition of the need for decent wages, working conditions, and public services such as day care, health care, clean water, and transportation).
  
  
• The MDGs call for change, but not for creating the conditions to make real change possible. To address the root causes of the problems that the goals are supposed to rectify, we need to grapple with precisely those phenomena that the MDGs take for granted. These include policies that have increased poverty and inequality around the world (such as free-trade agreements, wage freezes and hostility to worker organizing) and subordinated human rights to “national security” as defined by the ongoing “war on terror.”

• The MDGs fail to even mention sexual and reproductive rights, women’s labor and property rights, or one of the most fundamental obstacles to ensuring these rights, namely, violence against women.

• Women’s human rights advocates have pointed out that sexual and reproductive rights are central to achieving at least four of the MDGs: women’s equality and empowerment (Goal 3); reducing child mortality (Goal 4); improving maternal health (Goal 5); and combating HIV/AIDS (Goal 6).

• One way to gain insight into any policy is to look at its authors. The MDGs are sponsored jointly by the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). While the United Nations operates within a human rights framework, the missions of the World Bank and IMF are to advance a set of economic policies that are often at odds with human rights.

• At the heart of the MDGs beats a fundamental contradiction: poor countries are expected to meet the MDGs by implementing the very neoliberal economic policies that have, in large measure, caused the crises that the goals are intended to address. These policies include cutting government spending, privatizing basic services, liberalizing trade, and producing goods primarily for export.

• The MDGs use the World Bank standard of an income of US $1 per day to indicate extreme poverty. This income-based measurement of poverty obscures the experience of millions of people, for whom poverty is not primarily a function of income, but of their alienation from sustainable patterns of consumption and production. Indigenous women, for example, assert that their poverty and wealth are determined primarily by access to, and control of, their natural resources and traditional knowledge, which are the sources of Indigenous culture and livelihoods. In Indigenous communities, human rights (specifically, governments’ recognition of collective Indigenous rights over land, natural resources and traditional knowledge) are key to fighting poverty.

Going Beyond the MDGs – What Are the Next Steps?

• To achieve the MDGs, policymakers must recognize that poverty is a function of human rights violations (such as the right to an adequate standard of living, the right to freedom from discrimination and the right to development). Indeed, we must posit housing, health care and access to food and water as non-negotiable and universal rights, not only as “needs” to be met.

• The poor must be seen as autonomous subjects demanding that governments meet their legal obligations, not as a passive “target group” of policymaking. Sustainable development—which depends on broad civic participation, social justice and a fundamental shift in the balance of power—is sidelined by the failure of the MDGs to operate within a human rights framework.

• Human rights standards are a useful yardstick for evaluating the MDGs. They reveal that the MDGs are not a spontaneous expression of governmental goodwill. In fact, the MDGs fall below the threshold of pre-existing and minimum international obligations, some dating back more than 50 years.  Governments must uphold their broader responsibility to protect international human rights.

• For the goals to be a tool for advancing women’s human rights, they must be treated not as a technical process, but as a political process. MADRE is working with our sister organizations and other women’s organizations internationally to push for a rights-based approach to the MDGs that goes beyond improving statistical indicators to addressing root causes of human rights violations.

The Millennium Development Goals (MDG) Summit, a high-level meeting to discuss progress toward the goals. starts today at the United Nations. MADRE will be there with some of our partners, and we’ll be blogging about the MDGs and MADRE’s stance on the relevant issues. Here’s a list of what you’ll find relating to the MDG Summit on the MADRE website this week. Check this page often for updates!

MADRE at the MDG Summit:

MADRE MDG Talking Points

Monday:  myMADRE blog posts on MDGs 1 and 2: Ending Poverty and Hunger and Achieving Universal Education

Tuesday:  myMADRE blog posts on MDGs 3 and 4: Gender Equality and Child Health

Wednesday: myMADRE blog posts on MDGs 5 and 6: Maternal Health and Combating HIV/AIDS

• Diana Duarte, MADRE's Media Coordinator, will also be livetweeting Secretary Ban’s speech launching a Global Strategy for Women and Children’s Health.

• The missing goal: Violence against women