The UN Millennium Development Goals: Obstacles and Opportunities
Posted on: Tuesday, March 1, 2005
A MADRE Position paper
- Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger
- Achieve universal primary education
- Promote gender equality and empower women
- Reduce child mortality
- Improve maternal health
- Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, and other diseases
- Ensure environmental sustainability
- Develop a global partnership for development
All 191 United Nations Member States have pledged to achieve these Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. While this commitment appears to be an extraordinary step forward, when we scratch the surface of the MDGs, we find that their progress is determined by a set of technocratic "targets" and "indicators" that are limited in scope, contradictory in approach, and more concerned with statistical change than with creating the structural change that is crucial to improving women's lives. The MDGs fail to address the root causes of the problems they describe and constitute a far less rigorous commitment to human rights than that put forward 10 years ago in the Beijing Platform for Action. Nevertheless, the adoption of the MDGs by governments and international development agencies creates opportunities for advancing women's human rights, but only if we are able to engage critically with the Millennium Development process.
The glaring absence of issues such as sexual rights and reproductive rights, violence against women, and women's labor rights in the MDGs is attributable to the powerful role played by right-wing and fundamentalist governments such as the United States in their negotiation. Reproductive rights, in particular, have been under fire by the US since Bush's first day in office, when he began defunding international family-planning programs and revamping US reproductive health policy to placate his religious fundamentalist base. Women's human rights advocates have rightly pointed out the centrality of sexual rights and reproductive rights to achieving at least four of the MDGs: women's equality and empowerment (goal 3); reducing child mortality (goal 4); improving maternal health (goal 5); and combating HIV/AIDS (goal 6). Moreover, the indivisibility of human rights means that women's equality and empowerment are crucial to realizing all of the goals, and that, conversely, none of the goals can be realized without ensuring gender equality.
One way to gain insight into any policy is to look at its authors. The MDGs are sponsored jointly by the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). While the United Nations operates within a human rights framework, the missions of the World Bank and IMF are to advance a set of economic policies that are often at odds with human rights. In fact, the MDGs infuse neoliberal priorities into development policy using the language of human rights. They seek to "eradicate extreme poverty and hunger" (Goal 1), but rely on the discredited notion that economic growth at the national level (GNP) can eliminate poverty; and they assume that privatization of services is a strategy for—rather than an obstacle to—economic development. At the heart of the MDGs beats a fundamental contradiction: poor countries are expected to meet the MDGs by implementing the very neoliberal economic policies that have caused the crises that the goals are intended to address. These policies include cutting government spending, privatizing basic services, liberalizing trade, and producing primarily for export.
The methodology and assumptions of neoliberal economics infuse the MDGs, which rely heavily on the indicator of "absolute poverty" (which measures the proportion of the population surviving on less than a specified income each day). The MDGs use the World Bank standard of an income of USD $1 per day to indicate extreme poverty. This income-based measurement of poverty obscures the experience of millions of people, for whom poverty is not primarily a function of income, but of their alienation from sustainable patterns of consumption and production. Indigenous women, for example, assert that their poverty and wealth are determined primarily by access to, and control of, their natural resources and traditional knowledge, which are the sources of Indigenous culture and livelihoods. In Indigenous communities, human rights (namely, governments' recognition of collective Indigenous rights over land, natural resources, and traditional knowledge) are key to fighting poverty. But the MDGs do not recognize that poverty is a function of human rights violations (such as the right to an adequate standard of living, the right to freedom from discrimination, and the right to development). Indeed, the MDGs posit housing, health care, and access to food and water not as non-negotiable and universal rights, but as "needs" to be met. By extension, the poor are not seen as autonomous subjects demanding that governments meet their legal obligations, but as a passive "target group" of policymaking. Sustainable development, which depends on broad civic participation, social justice, and a fundamental shift in the balance of power, is sidelined by this failure of the MDGs to operate within a human rights framework.
The Beijing Platform is a useful yardstick for evaluating the MDGs. In concert with other international instruments, the Beijing Platform reveals that the MDGs are not a spontaneous expression of governmental goodwill, but, rather, constitute pre-existing international human rights obligations, some dating back more than 50 years. This shift in framework from "commitments" to legal duties can be used to strengthen calls for government accountability to the MDGs. Those of us seeking to advance women's human rights must pursue any possible gains offered by the MDGs, which are setting the current agenda for development policy. But we must do so while ensuring that the goals do not supplant the Beijing Platform and other, more progressive international instruments. In fact, Beijing and the MDGs should be conceived of as mutually reinforcing processes. The rights-based approach advocated by MADRE and other women's organizations internationally goes beyond improving statistical indicators to addressing root causes of human rights violations and changing the conditions that breed human rights abuses. Ultimately, for the MDGs to be a tool for advancing women's human rights, they must be treated not as a technical process, but as a political process.
Archives"Press Room" Home November 2014 October 2014 September 2014 August 2014 July 2014 June 2014 May 2014 April 2014 March 2014 February 2014 January 2014 December 2013 November 2013 October 2013 September 2013 August 2013 July 2013 June 2013 May 2013 April 2013 March 2013 February 2013 January 2013 December 2012 November 2012 October 2012 September 2012 August 2012 July 2012 June 2012 May 2012 April 2012 March 2012 February 2012 January 2012 December 2011 November 2011 October 2011 September 2011 August 2011 July 2011 June 2011 May 2011 April 2011 March 2011 February 2011 January 2011 December 2010 November 2010 October 2010 September 2010 August 2010 July 2010 June 2010 May 2010 April 2010 March 2010 February 2010 January 2010 December 2009 November 2009 October 2009 September 2009 August 2009 July 2009 June 2009 May 2009 April 2009 March 2009 February 2009 January 2009 December 2008 November 2008 October 2008 September 2008 August 2008 July 2008 June 2008 May 2008 April 2008 March 2008 February 2008 January 2008 December 2007 November 2007 October 2007 September 2007 August 2007 June 2007 May 2007 April 2007 March 2007 February 2007 January 2007 December 2006 November 2006 October 2006 September 2006 July 2006 June 2006 April 2006 March 2006 January 2006 December 2005 November 2005 September 2005 August 2005 July 2005 April 2005 March 2005 November 2004 October 2004 April 2004 March 2004 January 2004 December 2003 October 2003 September 2003 June 2003 April 2003 January 2003 September 2002 June 2002 January 2002 November 2001 October 2001 September 2001 August 2001 January 2001
MADRE & Our Partners Make News
Iraqi government 'likely complicit' in persecution of LGBT community (The Guardian, November 19, 2014)
LGBT Iraqis face 'imminent risk of death' under Islamic State (Washington Blade, November 19, 2014)
Iraq: "When Coming Out is a Death Sentence" (San Diego Gay & Lesbian News, November 19, 2014)
The World's Obsession With Schoolgirls As Victims, And Why It's Putting Them In Danger (Think Progress, November 9, 2014)
Forbidden Talk - Prostitution in the Middle East (Levant TV, October 7, 2014)